A second possible answer is that they will vote for the candidate who belongs to the party with which they identify. the further a party moves in the same direction as the voter, the more likely it is to be chosen by that voter. If we accept this premise, how will we position ourselves? Print. In their view, ideology is a means of predicting political positions on a significant number of issues and also a basis for credible and consistent engagement by the party or candidate that follows it. The idea is to create a party that forges ideologies and partisan identities. preferences and positions. Direction ("Who votes for whom?") Another strategy is the so-called "shortcut" that voters take within the rationalist framework of voting, since they are confronted with the problem of information and have to choose on the basis of this information. It is a model that is very close to data and practice and lends itself very easily to empirical testing through measures of partisan identification and different measures of socio-demographic factors among others. Even if there is still a significant effect of identification, there are other explanations and aspects to look for, particularly in terms of the issue vote and the assessments that different voters make of the issue vote. The ideological space can be defined as a left-right ideological space but can also be defined more precisely in relation to certain issues. In other words, when we are interested in trying to explain the vote, we must already know what type of voter we are talking about. One of the answers within spatial theories is based on this criticism that voters are not these cognitively strong beings as the original Downs theory presupposes. The basic idea is somewhat the same, namely that it is a way that voters have at their disposal, a euristic and cognitive shortcut that voters have at their disposal to deal with the problem of complex information. They may rely less on their partisan loyalties, so their vote may be explained less by their social base and more by their choice among an offer that is the economic model. These studies model individual utility from the election of a preferred party or candidate as decreasing as the alternative deviates from one's ideal point, but differ as to whether this loss should be modeled linearly or quadratically. The idea is that you stay loyal and you do "voice", that is, act to make things change. The curve instead of the simple proximity model, or obviously the maximization from the parties' point of view of electoral support, lies in the precise proximity between voters' preferences and the parties' political programs on certain issues, in this case this remains true but with a lag that is determined by discounting from a given status quo. 0000000636 00000 n The theories that are supposed to explain the electoral choice also explain at the same time the electoral participation in particular with the sociological model. Four questions can be asked in relation to this measure: For the first question, there are several studies on the fact that partisan identification is multi-dimensional and not just one-dimensional. Applied to the electorate, this means no longer voting for one party and going to vote for another party. The Michigan model was based on the idea of socialization and partisan identification as a long-term attachment to a party that is the result of primary socialization in particular, and therefore as insertion into a given social context. For Fiorina the voter does not do that, he will rather look at what has happened, he will also look at the state of affairs in a country, hence the importance of the economic vote in the narrower sense of the word. There are also studies that show that the more educated change less often from one party to another. 0000003292 00000 n 0000007835 00000 n For Iversen, distance is also important. Here, preferences are endogenous and they can change. According to Merril and Grofman, one cannot determine whether one pure model is superior to another because there are methodological and data limitations. Models of Voting Behavior Models of Voting Behavior Dr. Bradley Best Asst. It is a moment when social cleavages directly influence the vote in this approach and therefore the sociological model, perhaps, at that moment, better explains the vote. If that is true, then if there are two parties that are equally close to our preferences, then we cannot decide. to 1/n,and thus the expected utility of voting is proportional to N/n, which is approximately independent of the size of the electorate.3 In the basic rational-choice model of voting and political participation (see Blais 2000 for an overview and many references), the relative util-ity of voting, for a particular eligible voter, is: U = pB . All parties that are in the same direction of the voter maximize the individual utility of that voter. There are a whole bunch of individual characteristics related to the fact that one is more of a systematic voter of something else. Apart from the combined models, it can be thought that different models may explain differently according to historical moments and phases of a process of political alignment and misalignment just as models may better explain certain types of candidates or according to the profile and type of voters. Otherwise, our usefulness as voters decreases as a party moves away, i.e. 0000000016 00000 n as a party's position moves away from our political preferences. This table shows that for quite some time now there has been a strong decline in partisan identification. On the other hand, in rationalist approaches, shortcuts are cognitive shortcuts. Often, in the literature, the sociological and psycho-sociological model fall into the same category, with a kind of binary distinction between the theories that emphasize social, belonging and identification on the one hand, and then the rationalist and economic theories of the vote, which are the economic theories of the vote that focus instead on the role of political issues, choices and cost-benefit calculations. There are different types of costs that this model considers and that need to be taken into account and in particular two types of costs which are the costs of going to vote (1) but above all, there are the costs of information (2) which are the costs of obtaining this information since in this model which postulates to choose a party on the basis of an evaluation of the different propositions of information which is available, given these basic postulates, the transparency of information and therefore the costs of information are crucial. It is the idea of when does one or the other of these different theories provide a better explanation according to periods of political alignment or misalignment. Hirschman wanted to explain what happens in organizations when they enter a situation of crisis or decline. Three Models of Voting Behavior. Voters are more interested in political results than in political programmes, and the choice is also made from this perspective. He wanted to see the role of the media in particular and also the role of opinion leaders and therefore, the influences that certain people can have in the electoral choice. The idea is that each voter can be represented by a point in a hypothetical space and this space can be a space with N dimensions and each dimension represents an election campaign issue, so that this point reflects his or her ideal set of policies, i.e. The second explanation refers to the directional model, i.e. A distinction is made between the sociological model of voting from the Columbia School, which refers to the university where this model was developed. the earlier Columbia studies, the Michigan election studies were based upon national survey samples. It is because we are rational, and if we are rational, rationality means maximizing our usefulness on the basis of the closeness we can have with a party. is partisan identification one-dimensional? The vote is seen here as an instrument, that is to say, there is the idea of an instrumental vote and not an expressive one. In other words, social, spatial or group membership largely determines individual political actions. McClung Lee, A. When you vote, you are taking your personal time and effort to advance the collective good, without any guarantee of personal rewardthe very heart of what it means to be altruistic. The theory of partisan competition was completely eliminated by the other types of explanations. They try to elaborate a bit and find out empirically how this happens. . The Lazarsfeld model would link membership and voting. The utility function of this model is modified compared to the simple model, i.e. There is a small bridge that is made between these two theories with Fiorina on the one hand and the Michigan model of another party that puts the concept of partisan identification at the centre and that conceives of this concept in a very different way, especially with regard to its origin. The economic model makes predictions and tries to explain both the participation but also, and above all, the direction of the vote, which is the electoral choice. On this basis, four types of voters can be identified in a simplified manner: It is possible to start from the assumption that the characteristics of these different voters are very different. The Logics of Electoral Politics. If we take into account Przeworski and Sprague's idea that there can be a mobilization of the electorate in a logic of endogenous preference and non-maximization of the utility of voters. Downs, Anthony. Nowadays, the internet is the most used communication environment, and therefore it becomes very important to try to determine the behavior of users regarding internet use. We leave behind the idea of spatial theories that preferences are exogenous, that they are pre-existing and almost fixed. Often, in Anglo-Saxon literature, this model is referred to as the party identification model. For Lazarsfeld, we think politically how we are socially, there is not really the idea of electoral choice. For Lazarsfeld, "a person thinks politically as he or she is socially". Pp. Several studies have shown that the very fact of voting for a party contributes to the development of a certain identification for that party. These authors proposed to say that there would be a relationship between the explanatory models of the vote and the cycle of alignment, realignment, misalignment in the sense that the sociological model would be better able to explain the vote in phases of political realignment. In other words, there is the idea of utility maximization which is a key concept in rational choice theory, so the voter wants to maximize his utility and his utility is calculated according to the ratio between the cost and the benefit that can be obtained from the action, in this case going to vote (1) and going to vote for that party rather than this one (2). According to Fiorina, identification with a party is not necessarily the result of a long phase of socialization, but it is also the result of evaluations of a certain party, it is the fact of voting for that party that makes it possible to develop a partisan identification. emotional ties between voters and parties; a phase of political misalignment (2), which may be the one we are currently in in Europe since the economic crisis, which is a weakening of partisan loyalties resulting in increased electoral volatility, i.e. On the other hand, the intensity directional model better explains the electoral choices of candidates who are not currently in power. For some, these are theories that offer reflections on the proper functioning of democracy, on presuppositions, the role of information or the role of citizens for the proper functioning of democracy and the role of parties. party loyalties are freed from their social base and thus these party identifications are formed and crystallized. Fiorina reverses the question, in fact, partisan identification can result from something else and it also produces electoral choices. xxxiii, 178. 0000001124 00000 n Thus, the interpretation of differences in voting behaviour from one group to another is to be sought in the position of the group in society and in the way its relations with parties have developed. There are different types of individuals who take different kinds of shortcuts or not, who vote systematically or not, and so on. The idea of intensity can also be seen as the idea that there are certain issues, that there are certain political positions that put forward symbols and some of these symbols evoke making these two issues more visible to voters but in the sense of making voters say that this particular party is going in that direction and with a high intensity. Bakker, B. N., Hopmann, D. N., & Persson, M. (2014). Does partisan identification work outside the United States? How does partisan identification develop? xb```f`` @f8F F'-pWs$I*Xe< *AA[;;8:::X"$C[6#,bH.vdM?2Zr@ ai,L The strategic choices made by parties can also be explained by this model since, since this model postulates an interdependence between supply and demand, we address the demand but we can also address the supply. Candidate choices are made towards parties or candidates who are going in the same direction as the voter, this being understood as the voters' political preferences on a given issue. What interests us is that the idea of issue voting is fundamental to spatial theories of voting. 1.2 Psychology and behavior 9 1.3 Voting behavior and action 13 1.4 Strategies of explanation 14 1.5 Research questions and outline 16 2 The empirical analysis of voting action 19 2.1 Introduction 21 2.2 The Wrzburg school 21 2.3 Lazarsfeld and the empirical analysis of action 23 2.4 The Columbia approach to voting action 26 It is in this sense that the party identification model provides an answer to this criticism that the sociological model does not highlight the mechanisms that make a certain social inking influence a certain electoral choice. The external factors would be the factors that, in the basic theory of the psycho-sociological approach, it would seem that this is what can do but if we have a certain partisan attachment to vote for another party because we are influenced by one or other of these factors but, basically, we keep our partisan attachment and the next time when these factors change, we return to the normal vote corresponding to the partisan attachment. LAZARSFELD, PAUL F., BERNARD BERELSON, and HAZEL GAUDET. offers a behavior analysis of voting behavior. We are looking at the interaction. This article reviews the main theoretical models that explain the electoral behavior sociological model of voting behavior, psychosocial model of voting behavior and rational. This model shows that there is more than political identities, partisan identification and social inking. Misalignment creates greater electoral volatility that creates a change in the party system that can have a feedback on the process of alignment, misalignment or realignment. This idea of an issue was not invented by the proponents of the economic model of voting but was already present in the psycho-sociological model. It is a small bridge between different explanations. Ideology is to be understood as a way of simplifying our world in relation to the problem of information. The presupposition for spatial theories of voting has already been mentioned, namely the stake vote. Moreover, there are analogies that are made even explicitly with the idea of the market. Numbers abound, since we have seen that, in the end, both models systematically have a significant effect. 43 0 obj <> endobj 65, no. The political position of each candidate is represented in the same space, it is the interaction between supply and demand and the voter will choose the party or candidate that is closest to the voter. Finally, there is an instrumental approach to information and voting. In other words, in this retrospective assessment, the economic situation of the country plays a crucial role. There are three actors at play in this theory: there are voters, candidates, and an intermediate group represented by activists who are in fact voters who become activists going to exercise "voice". Finally, the results of this test are discussed and conclusions drawn. The answer to this second question will allow us to differentiate between proximity models and directional models because these two subsets of the spatial theories of voting give diametrically opposite answers to this question. This model leaves little room for the ideology which is the idea that by putting so much emphasis on the emotional voter and feelings, it leaves little room for the ideology that is central to explaining the economic model of the vote. Moreover, retrospective voting can also be seen as a shortcut. This model of voting behavior sees the voter as thinking individual who is able to take a view on political issues and votes accordingly. Symbolic politics says that what is important in politics are not necessarily the rationally perceived positions or the political positions of the parties but what the political symbols evoke in relation to certain issues. The Peoples Choice: How the Voter Makes Up His Mind in a Presidential Campaign. 0000009473 00000 n %PDF-1.3 % HUr0c:*+ $ifrh b98ih+I?v1q7q>. They are voters who make the effort to inform themselves, to look at the proposals of the different parties and try to evaluate the different political offers. There is this curvilinear disparity because the three actors position themselves differently. However, this is empirically incorrect. If voters, who prefer more extreme options, no longer find these options within the party they voted for, then they will look elsewhere and vote for another party. Today, in the literature, we talk about the economic vote in a narrower and slightly different sense, namely that the electoral choice is strongly determined by the economic situation and by the policies that the government puts in place in particular to deal with situations of economic difficulty. Several studies show that the impact of partisan identification varies greatly from one context to another. In the study of electoral behaviour, there is a simple distinction between what is called prospective voting and retrospective voting. For the sociological model we have talked about the index of political predisposition with the variables of socioeconomic, religious and spatial status. On the other hand, to explain the electoral choice, we must take into account factors that are very far from the vote theoretically, but we must also take into account the fact that there are factors that are no longer close to the electoral choice during a vote or an election. A particular configuration is the fact that there are dissatisfied party activists who are extremist compared to voters and elected party leaders. Furthermore, "social characteristics determine political preferences". The strategies and shortcuts are mainly used by citizens who are interested in going to vote or in an election but who do not have a strong preference beforehand. Suicide is a global public health problem. The psychological and socio-economic model are strongly opposed, offering two explanations that are difficult to reconcile, even though there have been efforts to try to combine them. Voting is an instrument that serves us to achieve an objective. Others have criticized this analogy between the economic market and the political market as being a bit simplistic, saying that, basically, the consequences of buying a consumer product have a certain number of consequences, but they are much more limited compared to what buying a vote can have in terms of choosing a party. There is an opposite reasoning. With regard to the limits, methodological individualism has often been evoked, saying that it is an exclusively micro-sociological perspective that neglects the effect of social structure. Voting for a candidate from one party in one race and for the other party's candidate in another race is known as. p. 31). Thus, voters will vote for candidates who are in the direction (1) and who are going in that direction in the most intense way (2), that is, who propose policies going in that direction in the strongest and most intense way. The government is blamed for the poor state of the economy. Among these bridges, one of the first bridges between the psycho-sociological voting theory and the rationalist theories was made by Fiorina because he considers partisan identification to be an important element in explaining electoral choice. This is especially important when applying this type of reasoning empirically. How was that measured? This is central to spatial theories of voting, that is, voters vote or will vote for the candidate or party that is closest to their own positions. It is a rather descriptive model, at least in its early stages. What is partisan identification? changes in voting behaviour from one election to the next. From the parties' perspective, this model makes different predictions than the simple proximity model, which made a prediction of convergence of a centripetal force with respect to party positioning. Much of the work in electoral behaviour draws on this thinking. The basic idea is the representation of a point that is an ideal point for each voter in a hypothetical space. Three elements should be noted. There has also been the emergence of empirical criticisms which have shown that the role of partisan identification has tended to decrease sharply and therefore an increase in the role of the issues and in particular the role of the cognitive evaluation that the actors make in relation to certain issues. Contenu disponible en Franais Contenido disponible en espaol Contenuto disponibile in italiano, The distinction between the three main explanatory models of voting is often found. This is related to its variation in space and time. His conclusion is that the vote is explained both by elements of leadership, partly by an element of proximity and distance, but also, for some parties, it must also be taken into account that there are parties that act according to a mobilization of the electorate according to the approach of Przeworski and Sprague. For most theories, and in particular Matthews' Simple Directional Model theory, the neutral point determines direction. There are also external factors that also need to be considered, such as the actions of the government, for example, voters are influenced by what the government has done. This model predicts a convergence of party program positions around two distinct positions, there are two types of convergence. On the other hand, women tend to have less stable partisan identification, they change more often too. In prospective voting, Grofman said that the position of current policy is also important because the prospective assessment that one can make as a voter of the parties' political platforms also depends on current policy. In the spatial theories of the vote, we see the strategic link between a party's supply and a demand from voters or electors. Other researchers have tried to propose combined models that combine different explanations. Comparative Political Studies, 27(2), 155189. 0000007057 00000 n Thus, they were well suited not only to develop and test theories of voting behavior, but also to provide an historical record of the considerations shaping the outcomes of specific national elections. There are two important issues in relation to the spatial theory of voting. social determinism There is a kind of heterogeneity of voters. There is also a literature on whether certain parties have certain issues, which voters believe are the parties that are better able to deal with a certain issue. (June 2012) Networks in electoral behavior, as a part of political science, refers to the relevance of networks in forming citizens' voting behavior at parliamentary, presidential or local elections. Property qualifications. These theories are the retrospective voting theories and the theories of ideological space. Ideal point models assume that lawmakers and bills are represented as points in a latent space. We are going to talk about the economic model. The goal of this study was to evaluate the psychometric properties of the measurement of suicide severity based on the Columbia suicide severity rating scale. If certain conditions are present, such as good democratic functioning within the party, activists will have the opportunity to exercise "voice" and influence positions. To summarize these approaches, there are four possible answers to the question of how voters decide to vote. In this perspective, voting is essentially a question of attachment, identity and loyalty to a party, whereas in the rationalist approach it is mainly a question of interest, cognition and rational reading of one's own needs and the adequacy of different political offers to one's needs. Theoretically, it is possible to have as many dimensions as there are issues being discussed in an election campaign. The scientific study of voting behavior is marked by three major research schools: the sociological model, often identified as School of Columbia, with the main reference in Applied Bureau of Social Research of Columbia University, whose work begins with the publication of the book The Peoples Choice (Lazarsfeld, Berelson, & Gaudet, 1944) and 102 Lake City, FL 32055 OR 17579 SW State Road 47 Fort White, FL 32038. it takes a political position that evokes the idea of symbolic politics in a more salient way. In short, it is an explanatory model that emphasizes the role of political attitudes. Voters try to maximize the usefulness of the vote, that is, they try to vote for the party that makes them more satisfied. It has often been emphasized that this model and approach raises more questions than answers. . The Columbia County Supervisor of Elections strives to provide reasonable accomodations to help people with disabilities have an equal opportunity to participate on our website. There is the idea of the interaction between a political demand and a political offer proposed by the different candidates during an election or a vote. The term "group" can mean different things, which can be an ethnic group or a social class. The initial formulation of the model is based on the Downs theory in An Economic Theory of Democracy publi en 1957. Even more plausibly, election campaigns are built around several issues. The concept of electoral choice does not belong to the sociological model but rather to rationalist theories. What voters perceive are directional signals, that is, voters perceive that some parties are going in one direction and other parties are going in another direction on certain issues. 0000000929 00000 n The main explanatory factors have been sought in socio-economic status and socio-demographic variables such as "age," "gender," and "education. 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